Marital Disharmony 1820 style: Augusta writes from Worthing to her husband the Reverend Henry xxxxxx in Burnham near Maidenhead

 

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The surname of the Reverend Henry on the outside of this folded letter resists decipherment and, as chance would have it, the online list of Vicars of Burnham stops before 1820. His wife Augusta signs with initials only. Any help appreciated.

Henry has written to Augusta who has taken the children to Worthing for a short holiday and Augusta writes back; he is aggrieved and she both seeks to placate him and not deny her own grievances. He is seriously religious and she doesn’t come up to the mark; perhaps he views Worthing as a fleshpot though even in 1820 that would probably not have been as true as it was of nearby Brighton. I come down on her side for one reason: on receipt of her letter (or sometime later) he docketed it as if it was a business letter -  see  my illustration.

 

Transcription

WORTHING postmark

Addressed 

To The Revd Henry xxxxxx Burnham Maidenhead Berks

 

I promised you to write today dear Henry and I will tho’ you will probably receive it only a few hours before I see you. I rejoice to hear all is well at home but feel too much occupied by the rest of your letter to dwell on anything besides. Tho’ you tell me you feel kindly tenderly for me there is apparent so much that you do not like, the whole line of my conduct seems to forcibly [?] different from your wish, that my heart sinks & my mind is filled with alarm – you will start here and that this is my way of taking your suggestions and that my pride revolts at being told I am wrong. Far from it. I wish to know how I stand tho’ mortified to find the truth, still I must be wrong but where to begin I know not. I look back to the last ten days and cannot believe that this alone could cause what you have written, besides unless I am most abismally blind to my own faults I really know not wherein I have been wrong except in not sooner seeking an explanation from you but you perpetually foiled the question  by expressions & looks of returning confidence & kindness and I have trusted all would again be harmonious without any scene, and ignorant & blind as I may be, believed at least that I speak the truth when I say that I felt you alone were in fault and from delicacy hesitated to press you at a time when I knew you were so much harassed & occupied with other things.

Little could I imagine it was not the events of the moment that were causing you anxiety but a review of what I should have called our past happy life – That while I dreamt of peace & confidence you were lamenting that your poor Augusta was not the wife, was not the Mother, you desired.

Once more I must refer to your own words you say “if we are not taking pains to please we are growing indifferent, & indifference is dangerous for it is the very opposite of love”. I deny the charge altogether. I first awakened your displeasure by my disappointment in not having you on this journey, was this indifference? Had I been indifferent should I have cared. But it has ever been my misfortune to be supposed to feel less than others. Happy would it have been for me had it been so. You tell me again that you show more love for me by urging me to exertions that are disagreeable but which will make me valuable to others & precious to you, than you would by allowing me to pursue a path that must ultimately separate our feelings from each other. Here dearest Henry I am utterly at a loss to conceive your meaning, what path am I pursuing, how am I acting, that the return to your wishes & the hope of becoming valuable should be disagreeable to me.

I am little able to speak with you, much less able to write, but I would feign exculpate myself from any intentional wrong. My time & thoughts are devoted exclusively to my family & that alone is sufficiently large to occupy & interest a more enlarged mind than my own. Accomplishments I never boasted when you thought I could make you happy; but our awakened spiritual turn of mind I heartily desire and constantly pray for. Here do I fall infinitely below you & your helping hand is wanted. Look with tenderness on me who was not blessed like yourself with Religious parents anxious to lead you in the path to Heaven but who caught all serious impressions as it were by chance and tho’ I am far from thinking that any excuse for the want of spiritual disposition now when I am capable of knowing How & where to seek after those things which are alone necessary yet the early impressions & regularly formed religious habits in which you were bred will ever be wanting and make my path more difficult, but do not think I value them less -  no on the contrary I covet them for my children beyond measure & would not for the worlds neglect to instil into them that which I hourly feel to be so essential & so wanting in myself. 

I have filled my paper & have in some degree relived my own heart tho’ is is impossible to feel happy until I am again at home & I could say restored to your love but that cannot be yet in full confidence for your opinions cannot change suddenly tho’ the kindness of your heart may lead you to promise me peace.

Henry is very well today but he suffered sadly yesterday & indeed all the night before with the tooth-ache which ended in a very large swelling in his mouth which broke before he went to bed & greatly relieved him.

We were at Church on Sunday & Mr Irwin preached  - but I have not seen Monck nor indeed anyone. The coach goes from here at 10 so I shall be set down at Burford Bridge at about 3 o’clock on Thursday. The carriage came last night. Do not forget my shawl for I have nothing for the Tilbury [an open carriage].

And now God bless you my dearest Henry your dear Boy remembers you with the tenderest affection as does your wife tho’ at the moment you will not readily believe it yet have patience with a creature full of faults but whose heart at least is right & earnest in desiring your friendship and believe that I am

Yr affectionate AM [ or AR ]

Missionaries and Slavery: John Davies writes from George Town to the (London) Missionary Society in1810

                                                           Click on Image to Enlarge

I am relying for part of this introduction to the following source:

https://guyaneseonline.wordpress.com/2020/07/26/education-the-growth-of-education-in-british-guiana-guyana-1800-1876-by-dr-odeen-ishmael/

The Netherlands formally ceded to Britain the territories which later became British Guiana in 1815 but the British had been in full control since 1803 and for short periods in the recent past. According to Dr Ishmael it  was a Dutch plantation owner, Hermanus Post, who asked the London Missionary Society to send someone to conduct the school he had established in George Town in 1808   - the “Town” of the letter transcribed below – the Reverend John Davies, writer of the letter arriving in January 1809 to take up the task. But the letter transcribed below suggests that Davies came out as a missionary and on arrival was asked by Hermanus Post  to conduct the school. That school accepted children of plantation owners and managers, local officials, children of soldiers, free Africans and slaves in government service. The slave trade had been abolished in 1807 though slavery not yet; Davies was an abolitionist but as his letter shows he thought that bringing the Gospel to the slaves (who he calls “Negroes” never “slaves”) was consistent with the interest of the plantation owners and managers, some of whom appear to have agreed with him. He wants to expand the areas in which missionary work is carried on and this is a principal concern of the letter. He can only do it with the agreement of plantation owners: he needs their permission to go on to their property to preach to their property.

Davies may have not been the first British missionary to arrive; the Reverend Wray who is mentioned in the letter arrived in 1808 according to Ishmael who provides the following:

On Plantation La Ressouvenir, Rev. John Wray had arrived in 1808 to preach to slaves at a chapel Hermanus Post built. He also taught some slaves to read parts of the Bible and to write. The slaves who learned to read then taught their companions to do so.

Mrs. Wray was also involved in the educating the children of the “upper class” in Demerara, and later in Berbice, after her husband was transferred there. She received payments from the planters and was able to send her two daughters to England to boarding school. Later they returned to Guyana to take charge of Mrs. Wray’s school.

Correspondence from John Davies is archived at the London School of African and Asian Studies. This newly-discovered letter adds some details to what is already known and provides some colour to the story.

 

Transcription

The letter is addressed to the “Directors of the Missionary Society, Joseph Hardcastles Esq, Old Swan Stairs, London”. The docketing dates the letter to 4^th July 1810 and gives a “Received” date of 17 September. The letter had arrived in Britain at Port Glasgow on 27 August and reached London on 30 August according to postmarks; the delay in getting it to the final destination is not explained. The letter begins abruptly without superscription and it looks like two sides are missing from a single folded sheet but the text is entirely coherent as it stands and begins with a capital letter:

My hands are, as much as anything can do so, completely tied up from missionary labours, yet as I came out for Jesus Christ I will do all I can afford to do to extend his name.

Essequibo is a place I have long endeavoured to introduce the name of Jesus & his salvation. At length the Lord has opened a way. Some time ago, a Gentleman who is a countryman of mine [Welsh] & who has the management of two Estates in Essequibo belonging to Wm. Postelthwaite Esqr [ spelt Postlethwaite in the UCL slavery database, though it is likely that a son is the claimant for compensation] came to hear me. He used to attend the Gospel in England & his heart rejoices to hear it here. I interested him to try to get a place for me to preach in Essequibo. The Negroes there as you will see in Mr Postelthwaite’s letter are much addicted to Obea & of course in the most dreadful state. Mr P. asked Mr Williams, this is the name of the manager of the Estates, what must be done to save the Negroes from being completely destroyed. Mr W. advised him to apply to me. He did.

Sabbath June 24^th I landed there about two o’clock in the afternoon & preached at 5 o'clock to about 200 Negroes & others. All were very attentive. I left some Catechisms & Testaments to be given to those who could & would instruct the ignorant. I left Monday morning & arrived back [in Georgetown] Tuesday afternoon.

The school will diminish if I go often for the parents complained then & on it I depend for support [his salary] & to pay off the preal [legal term]debt of 9000 guilders if ever I can. Mr Wray & I continue to supply Mahaica. When last there I called on Mr Hopkinson who is the proprietor of 2 or 3 or 4 plantations [ over a dozen Hopkinson claimants in the UCL database claiming for over 3000 slaves. But the numbers are  duplicated across claimants and may relate to joint claims for the same persons] & asked if he would not like to have his Negroes instructed in Religion. He said he would consider of it. I hope he will permit them to be taught.

Mr Postelthwaite wishes to have a missionary out. I gave him your address. He will pay his expenses which I said would not exceed £200. Everything respecting money he will write you. I mentioned to him that Mr Post had not only promised to pay my expenses out but after I came desired me to take over the school [ NB. This differs from Ishmael’s account which has him come out to take on the school rather than as a missionary] & that he would pay all expenses attending it & doubtless would have done so, but he died & no provision being made in the will came on me & the Society ….. to pay it. He said he would fix it permanently & I hope it will be so that the missionary will not be left in the lamentable situation I am.

Experience in matters of the world & especially in Religion will be of more importance than being able to read Homer or any other Academical attainment in his situation among none but Negroes in general & far from the Town [George Town]. The good natural abilities & a habit of reading are absolutely necessary in all Missionaries in this land. The field is extensive & flaming zeal for the redeemer’s glory & ardent Love to souls together with good constitution & unremitting labour will alone be able to cultivate it. All things go on well in Town. I am honoured Gentlemen your humble & obedient servant John Davies.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

1825 Richard Gurdon Bedingfeld writes home from Assam during the first Anglo-Burmese War

 

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Letters home from the front were not censored during this war though this one has been disinfected: there are numerous pin holes and one passage faded probably as an effect of the vinegar used. The writer gives his exact location and a fairly detailed account of his role as a Lieutenant in command of a flotilla on the Brahmaputra river. I have given in bold type this historically interesting account. 

He is clearly missing home and anxious about not receiving letters. There were long delays: this one is dated 26^th January 1825 and addressed to his father Francis Philip Bedingfeld (1763- 1841) in Northallerton, Yorkshire. There are no postal markings on the letter before it was brought ashore at Deal in Kent and carried up to London where it received an arrival postmark of 12 September 1825, so almost eight months in transit. There are no arrival markings for Northallerton 

The writer’s mother Catherine died in 1812, so the “Mrs Bedingfeld” of the letter is not her. The family is fairly prominent over a very long period and is all over the internet but with very little about the writer who also appears mis-named Richard Goodson Bedingfeld; spelling of the surname varies with "field" for "feld" but the writer clearly uses "feld".  

The internet  knows about the fate of this young man, twenty-two at the time of writing:

 “Lieutenant Richard Gurdon BEDINGFIELD - Bengal Artillery - murdered 2nd April 1829. Murdered at Nunklow, near Gowhatty, Assam, by a gang of bandits. His head was cut off. The gang then besieged the house where Lieut. Burlton was holding out with a few sepoys of the Assam Light Infantry. He was born in Ditchingham, Norfolk 5th Sept. 1802. Son of Francis and Catherine Bedingfield. He served in the First Burma War”.

 

Transcription:

Addressed to Frcs [Francis] Bedingfeld, Northallerton, Yorkshire

Headlined: On the Burromporter [Brahmaputra] River near Aungpore, the capital of Assam 26^th January 1825

My dear Father

Since my last from Gohatti I have been anxiously expecting a letter from you but I regret my expectations have not been realised. I hope this will not be the case much longer and that the next arrival will put me in possession of some news from you. I have written to my Brother and Sister two or three times since I had the pleasure of receiving your last letter so that you will have heard of my welfare through them. I was much gratified the other day from Mary written evidently in good spirits. I only hope she has by this time paid you a visit, as change of air and scene are the finest things possible to eradicate what remains there may be of lowness of spirits. She appeared to be much pleased with your offer of meeting her in town and from what my brother said in his letter I should be inclined to think she had availed herself of the favorable season of the year to go down as far as Yorkshire – that abominable place.

Johatti was the cause of my getting unwell with a fever which had nearly obliged me to quit Assam for change of air; fortunately the setting in of the Cold season set me all to rights and thank God I have been i the enjoyment of excellent health and spirits for the past two months.

The climate of Assam is very prejudicial to all constitutions both European and Native owing to the whole face of the country being at present little else than a perfect jungle, the inhabitants being obliged from the Tyranny of the Burmese to run into the Company’s [East India Company’s] provinces to avoid fines, murders & imprisonments. Our detachment has now nearly succeeded in driving them out of the country and in two or three years time under a mild government it is to be hoped the aspect of the country will present a more agreeable appearance than it does at present.

I left Johatti on the 30^th of November last [1824] since which time I have been constantly moving up this extensive river which intersects the country and during the rainy season is more to be compared to a little sea than anything else. Its average breadth from bank to bank being nearly four miles.

I have command of the Artillery and a Flotilla of ten gun boats each carrying a twelve pounder Cannonade. I am sorry to say that my services have never been required since I have been in the country since the enemy in this quarter being always more ready to run away than stand a bombardment in their stockades. They are very expert in the construction of these defences which are made of bamboos with a small ditch inside rather than out i which they squat down and fire. The ground in front of the work is covered with spikes made from the Bamboos. These spikes run from two feet to six inches in length and are very formidable as the wounds they inflict disable the men from proceeding at once.

At Rangoon where the war has been carried on since May last [1824] the Burmese find that British Discipline is more than match for overwhelming numbers. They got a terrible thrashing the other day [ final stages of the Battle of Yangon, December 1824 ] and I hope two or three more examples of the kind will make them sue for peace, an event no one can more sincerely wish for than I do, as I have but little hopes of getting out of this country until the war is over.

As far as procuring advantages go I am now very well off nevertheless I would gladly give them up for a change of Climate, as what can be put in competition with a man’s health? And this part of the world decidedly does not agree with me. I never was unwell until I came to Goalpara [Assam] and to my residence at that place I attribute my loss of health. I hope fortune will enable me to visit England when I am entitles to my furlough. I think every young man whose only prospect is living and dying in India ought to take a trip home whenever his allowance may admit of it as the benefit to be derived from it is incalculable.

Is poor old John still in the land of the living if so pray give him my regards. Were I to live a century I should never forget the old man & often remember the many happy days I have passed either fishing or shooting with him. The old boys fine upright figure & snowy head made him look like an old veteran and one that had derived every possible benefit from the instruction of a Drill Sergeant. I hope and trust the Scotts are well and prospering. Give them when you write my sincere regards as I have frequently before said, should I ever live to see England again, one of my first visits should be to them. I am sorry Mrs B. has not written to me although I hope she will put her promise in execution.

Before I close my letter I have one request to make to you and that is to send me the Miniature that you sat for at the time of my leaving England. I have often wished for it and hope you will oblige me with it. I hope you will pay my brother a visit soon, he appears very anxious for you taking a look at his Estate and seeing how he gets on. He has now …. [three lines faded her probably from disinfection vinegar] …. The Army & Navy are both short, and the professions of Law & Medicine are overstocked. India is the only field for a young man with ideas and that I believe is now only to be obtained with very great interest [ I think he means that positions have to be purchased].

I must again repeat how anxiously I am looking for a letter from you and I hope when it reaches me I shall have good accounts of you all. With kind love to Mrs Bedingfield believe me my dear Father

Your dutiful Son

R G Bedingfeld

 

Doctors and Slaves: George Richards writes from Edinburgh to his sister in Barbados 1832 and 1833

 

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In two letters dated June 1832 and January 1833 George Richards, a medical student in Edinburgh, writes to his sister Mary Richards (“Mames”) in Barbados. The letters contain interesting information about happenings in Edinburgh, including demonstrations in support of the great Reform Bill of 1832 and his own signature added to a petition in support of the Anatomy Bill of 1832 which permitted teachers of anatomy and medical students to dissect bodies which had been made available by donation. He also introduces a cast of characters many of whom are or are related to doctors practicing in Barbados.  Those doctors and their families appear in the UCL database of compensated slave owners but their holdings are generally small and it seems most likely that these slaves worked in the house rather than on the plantations. In these letters written a couple of years before the abolition of slavery, the writer twice asks to be remembered to the “servants”. The doctors gained their living from working for the sugar estates, treating both the owners but also overwhelmingly the slaves. A man who I take to be George Richards’ father (and now deceased: the letters send love to Mother but Father is never mentioned) gave evidence to an enquiry and I quote a passage to provide context:

Doctors and other persons concerned with the slaves gave evidence before committees of the legislature of Barbados in 18 l 8 and I 824. Though all the evidence favors the plantocracy and cannot be evaluated in the light of counterevidence, it may nevertheless reveal certain experiences of the individuals concerned. George Richards, M.D., testified that he practiced for about eight estates and other properties with a total population of about 2,500. He also had a general practice as physician and surgeon and visited many estates in that capacity.

Richard B Sheridan, Doctors and Slaves (1985, p 301)

The “Dr Hay” now residing in Edinburgh may be the Dr Hay whose life was spared during Fédon’s Grenada rebellion of 1795. “Mrs Collymore” is the Scottish widow of a Barbados doctor, Samuel James Collymore (1786 – 1820s). On the death of her husband Mrs Collymore returned to Scotland with her daughter and the widow is listed in street directories as “Mrs Dr Collymore”. Her pretty daughter of the second letter was Agnes (born 1817) who married John Sturrock of Dundee in 1842; she did not return to Barbados where the Collymore name is still common thanks to the very extensive slave holdings of Robert Collymore and his wife Amaryllis Collymore, a free woman of colour who in an 1826 will left 67 slaves to family members. Other doctors and their families are referred to in the letters and perhaps their most interesting feature is the extensive network of families to which George Richards in Edinburgh is connected and to whom he feels attached; the letter suggests homesickness.

The writer records mail received and sent, a common feature of letters written when mail was slow and unreliable. But he is also making planned use of the Royal Mail Packet Boat service to the West Indies, receiving and sending goods as well as letters. The sailing schedules could be found at post offices or in the newspapers.  

It appears that George Richards has a romantic attachment in Barbados to “M a Misson” which I read as brother to sister shorthand for Emma Misson but who cannot be found online though Misson is a known family name. I cannot find this George Richards  either which may suggest either emigration to a distant colony or early death.

Both letters are tropicalised, fragile and in the case of the second letter with sections missing; damage to the first letter also prevents some words from being read. I have indicated longer missing sections by straight lines, shorter omissions with dots; my own comments in brackets in italics.

 

June 2d [1832] Edinburgh   45 Frederick Street

My dear Mames

I promised in my letter to Sale which Miss Duguid took the charge of that this packet [ HMS Frolic, sailed from Falmouth 14^th June 1832] should bring you a letter from me. I have heard from you twice lately and you must consider this an answer to both of your letters. I have also received letters from … M a [Emma?] Misson, Sale and Pearn [ all three members of slave-owning families]. Tell the latter for me that he may count on hearing from me by the next opportunity. I shall also at the same time write to Mr Maynard [slave owning family]. I am glad to see you have done as I begged you would in mentioning the Children, continue to do so whenever you write as nothing gives me greater pleasure than hearing of them. I received the sweetmeats and arrowroot safe and have divided them between Miss Mackenzie and Dr Hay They both of them seemed pleased and the Doctor called on me next day to thank me for those sent him. Whoever prepared the pine jam has destroyed its flavour by spicing it with cloves and cinnamon, the other preserves are well put up.

I wish I had been with you to lend my assistance during your moving but I was glad as I was not [sic] that my place had been so well supplied. Tell Mother [ Possibly Ann Richards formerly Hind] I fancy I stand on the same ground in M a [Emma] Misson’s affections to fear being rivaled by Mr Thomas [slave-owning family]. I am glad to find he is so great a favourite amongst you all. Keep him to his promise and make him bring Jane [Thomas, Daughter of Abigail Jane Thomas?] to pay me the visit which I am looking forward to with so much pleasure. I saw Miss Maria Jones [her father lived in London, later she was Mrs Tierney in St Kitts?] when I was in London, she was a pretty interesting looking girl but even then seemed to be very delicate. I have not heard of Mrs F Cobham’s arrival in Edinburgh [ Mary Harvey Cobham widow of Francis Cobham M.D. of Barbados, slave owner. She moved back to Scotland following the 1831 death of her husband] but when I do I shall call on her. I know her Mother is residing in some street to the South of the Town and I shall some time next week try and find her out.

You will be happy to hear that this town is free from Cholera just now or very nearly so. There were not more than four or five cases this week and I hope there will be none during the next week. I mentioned in one of my former letters that Earl Grey and Brougham had resigned and for some days there was a report that the Duke of Wellington was prime minister. Had it been so I should not have been surprised to have seen England and Scotland in open rebellion. Earl Grey has again accepted office and it is expected that the bill [The Great Reform Bill ] will go through the House of Lords about the middle of next week. When it has passed the people of England, Scotland and Ireland intend expressing their joy by processions, feasts and illuminations. As soon as it was known in Scotland that Earl Grey had resigned and the Reform Act in danger meetings were held to express their sorrow and petitions sent to the House of Commons telling them to refuse supply. There was also a general run on all the banks for gold and a determination to pay no taxes. In a procession of the trades in the town coloured flags were displayed and black flags with inscriptions such as Reform or Death, Better die in a good cause than die in slavery. They had also a flag with a skull and bones painted on it and a motto under it which I do not recollect, at the end of the meeting they sang “Scots wha hae with Wallace bled” and then quietly dispersed.

By my not saying anything of my state of health you may conclude I am quite well. I think rising early and walking to the Botanical Garden every morning before ….  tends to keep me in health. I have also to rise twice a week in order to be at college by six. Dr Reid [probably Dr John Reid 1809 – 1849] has examinations at that hour on what we have been doing the week previous. I must now conclude with love to M a Misson, Mother, Dear Mary, Aunty, Cousins Brothers Sisters the Hinds [ major slave owning family - if the Mother of George Richards is Ann Richards then she was formerly Ann Hinds] and all at home and believe me my dear Mames your affectionate Brother                G Richards.

[Cross-written] I shall be glad of anything you can send me in the way of curiosities provided I have to pay no freight …. no expense for them …. will be a good opportunity to send them by them or anyone coming direct to Edinburgh. Excuse this hurried letter. I am glad to hear both Rob and Tom have got …. and more so as Rob will be near you now. Give my love to him. Remember me kindly to Dr Cutting and his family [slave owning family] and to Mr Maynard and his …. And also to Mr Hinds & I hope Bessy is well again. We have now fine summer weather daylight from half past two in the morning to nine at night. Remember me to the servants.

 

 

Second letter:

Edinburgh January 12^th 1833 45 Frederick Street

My dear Mames

Your letter of the thirtieth of November I received only a few minutes ago and I must make haste and answer it immediately as I wish to put this in the Post Office before I go to bed. It is now past eight o’clock. I am glad to see you have written to me again and not taken offence because I neglected answering your former letter. I however scarcely received one from you as this is I believe the third I have received without giving you one in return. Tell Jane I was not aware that the nickel was sent to me by her but to show her that I do not disregard the present I will have it converted to a seal, in the meantime give her a kiss for me and my best thanks. I have _________the flower seeds. I think _____me if they grow and _____desires and once ______heard from me. On the ____Mr Jamieson the ________ after at the Doctors, and Wednesday evening I spent at Mrs Collymore, at this last place we had dancing. The party consisted of about eighteen or twenty young ladies and gentlemen and I passed a very pleasant evening. Miss Collymore is a very nice girl rather pretty about your own age or a little younger and to sum up the whole a Barbadian although she has been from Barbados since she was an infant. The father married in Scotland but died three or four years after his return to Barbados. I have received a good deal of attention both from this family and from the Jamiesons. I have an invitation for nine o’clock on Wednesday next, so I suppose it is to be a dance. It is from a family I have occasionally met with at the Miss Mackenzies [with whom he lodges in Frederick Street]. I have not accepted it yet but I think I shall.

On New Year’s morning I went out with two or three others to see if the old custom was still kept up. There were a great many people in the streets but not many females. The privilege of saluting those you meet is still the same, but I think the custom _________________. We have for the three ___________ yesterday and today ____________the ice strong enough to   ________ [succeed]ed in reaching the op[opposite]______ I went again today but __________not venture on. Only one __________. The ice broke and a boy narrowly escaped being drowned.

You have told me how you like Miss Jane Duguid but now I must ask you to tell me how she likes Barbados and its inhabitants. I am sorry to hear Prescod Williams [ slave owning family]is forced to marry against her will. I hope if it is the case that ways and means will yet be found to break off the match, I am glad to hear Mr Maynard intends writing to me. I have not by the Packet received a letter from him but I hope I may by the next. You do not mention when you are to remove to Warrens [ the name of or named for an Estate just outside Bridge Town] when you do write and tell me ____ you like a country life. You will have company enough ___ and those friends who care about you and have a gig will not mind the short distance of three miles.

Tell Hal [?] I approve of his good taste for I think little Malvina Trotman [slave owning family] the prettiest girl of her age I now recollect of in Barbados. Remember me kindly to Dr Cutting and Mrs Cutting and Mrs Williams. I must write soon to the Doctor when you see Golding and Pilgrim [slave owning family] tell me what you think of them. Dr Jones I believe merely went out for his health and not to remain.

I had when I sat down a good many questions to ask but I have forgotten them all and I have now only room left to give my love to Mother M a [Emma] Misson, Dear Mary, Brothers, Sisters, Aunts, Cousins and friends ever believe me my dear Mames your affectionate Brother George Richards

 

Cross written postscript: When the Higginsons arrive [slave owning family]let me know if the book I sent by her have been of use to Sam and if I have any more he may require. I have nothing new to tell you about the college and the classes. The Modie [? local term for club or union?] of Students here have sent a petition to the Lord Provost and the graduates  praying them to enforce the late Anatomy Bill. I signed it yesterday & hope it may have some effect but I fear not. I am

__________________about her will not enquire her

__________________ free from the Cholera year to now

___________________  this week you mention Sale

_________________ her but you say nothing of Mr

__________________ by the same opportunity tell me

___________________ got his. Remember me kindly to

_________________ servants and once more believe me your affect brother GR